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The Myth of the Rational Voter

The Myth of the Rational Voter

Bryan Caplan
2007
T4 280 pages · about 4h 40m to read Open Librarygoodreads

Systematic voter bias about economics, and why democracies choose badly

Summary

Caplan argues that democracy produces bad economic policy not because voters are ignorant, which the standard rational ignorance literature already accepts, but because they hold systematically mistaken beliefs that they prefer to hold. He calls this rational irrationality: since an individual vote has essentially zero probability of changing an outcome, the private cost of holding a comfortable false belief is nearly zero, so people indulge beliefs they would abandon if they bore the consequences.

His evidence is the Survey of Americans and Economists on the Economy, which asked the same economic questions of the general public and of professional economists. He identifies four systematic biases where the public differs from economists in a consistent direction: anti-market bias, underestimating the benefits of market mechanisms; anti-foreign bias, underestimating the benefits of trade with foreigners; make-work bias, treating employment rather than production as the goal; and pessimistic bias, systematically believing conditions are worse and worsening. He controls for income, education, ideology and other factors and finds the gaps persist.

His conclusions are uncomfortable and he states them plainly: more democracy is not the remedy for bad policy, and insulating economic decisions from voter preference, through independent central banks, trade agreements or judicial constraint, produces better outcomes.

The main objection is that Caplan treats the economics profession's consensus as the standard of truth, which is defensible on some questions and not on others, and the 2008 crisis complicated that assumption. The empirical finding that public and expert opinion diverge systematically has held up.

Key takeaways 7

  1. Voters hold systematically mistaken economic beliefs rather than randomly distributed errors, so the errors do not cancel out in aggregate.
  2. Because an individual vote has essentially no chance of changing an outcome, the private cost of holding a comfortable false belief is nearly zero.
  3. The public differs from economists in four consistent directions: against markets, against trade with foreigners, treating jobs rather than output as the goal, and toward pessimism.
  4. These gaps persist after controlling for income, education and ideology, which rules out the explanation that they reflect different interests.
  5. More democratic participation does not improve economic policy, since the problem is the content of preferences rather than their transmission.
  6. Insulating economic decisions from direct voter preference, through independent institutions or binding agreements, produces better outcomes than responsiveness does.
  7. Political ignorance is rational in the standard account, and Caplan's addition is that irrationality is rational too under the same incentive structure.

Who should read it

Investors and policy readers who want the public choice account of why democratic economic policy is systematically distorted.

Who recommended it 2 · 2 direct

“The median American is a moderate national socialist – statist to the core on both economic and social policy.”

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An inquiry into the nature of freedom and the uses of power.

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David D. Friedman · 1973

The case for anarcho-capitalism, a society run on markets without a state.

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James Burnham · 1941

Why managers and technocrats would replace capitalists as society's ruling class.

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Where it sits in the reference 3

Mental models
Mental models
Economics

Topics

Politics and GovernmentEconomicsPolitical philosophy and ideology